During 1916's Easter Week, 24-29 April, armed Irish republicans rose up in Dublin taking over several key buildings, most importantly the General Post Office (GPO). Since 1916 the Easter Rising has remained an important historical event in Irish history, and whose memory has evolved over the last decade. Guided by principals of socialism and republicanism the Easter Rising has deeply influenced the Irish Left, in particular.
Ireland before 1916 - A Quick History
 |
| An Irish family being evicted during the Land War |
For centuries Ireland had been dominated by England, and later Scotland (to an extent) and Britain. During the 1600s Protestants were encouraged to settle in Ireland, particularly the north and an area around Dublin called the 'Pale', and received greater rights than their Catholic neighbours. In 1800 the Act of Union came into effect formally uniting Britain and Ireland forming the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, however, Catholics remained in subordinated positions. It took until 1829 for restrictive laws on Catholics, but it did not stem the tide of Irish agitation. Almost three decades of protest against inequality seamlessly moved into discontent over the Act of Union. This protest manifested itself in two ways: parliamentary politics and radical movements. Often they worked together. In 1858 the Irish Republican Brotherhood, (IRB), popularly known as the Fenians, were formed as a revolutionary organisation. An abortive uprising in 1867 led to the imprisonment of many Fenians, so the Amnesty Association was formed. Led by a Protestant lawyer - Isaac Butt - who had become anti-Union after seeing the horrific consequences of British rule during the Irish Potato Famine. After defending nationalists Butt helped form the Home Government Association - a mostly Protestant Dublin-based pressure group - with the intention of bringing in 'Home Rule'. Home Rule was a policy of allowing Ireland to rule itself in everything bar defence and foreign policy. Butt's party evolved in the 1870s to the Irish Home Rule Party which saw the rise of two key nationalist figures - Joseph Biggar and Charles Stewart Parnell. In the 1870s bad harvests and an influx of cheap grain from the US saw the decimation of Irish agriculture; consequently landlords kept rent high, stopped credit, and evicted tenant farmers who could not pay. The 'Land War' superseded the need for Home Rule, and Parnell became a key figure in the Irish Land League calling for the 'three fs' - free sale, fair rent, and fixity of tenure. For his involvement Parnell was even briefly imprisoned in Kilmainham Jail. The Land War saw clashes between land lords and tenant farmers, as well as the development of the boycott. Named after Charles Boycott, the land agent supporting a land lord, who faced social ostracism for supporting the land lords. A series of Land Acts from the 1870s diffused the Land War, but not support for the Irish Parliamentary Party which became the third largest party in the UK.
Meanwhile, there was a growing radical movement in Ireland - both opposing and supporting Home Rule. English, both culture and language, had been attempted to be implemented in Ireland although it was not complete. In 1884 the Gaelic Athletic Association was formed to codify and regulate Gaelic sports, in 1893 the Gaelic League was formed to revive Irish as a language, and in 1892 the Celtic Literary Society to promote Irish literature. As they were not ostensibly political these groups gave Irish nationalists an ability to discuss their ideas and formulate plans. The Athletic Association became a front for the IRB, nationalist poet W.B. Yeats was a major figure in the Literary Society, and one of the leaders of the Easter Rising, Patrick Pearse, joined the Gaelic League. In 1905 a group of nationalist and republican groups came together to form Sinn Fein under journalist Arthur Griffith. Griffith was a nationalist, but not as hostile to republicanism as some of his colleagues. In The Sinn Fein Policy (1906) he set out the party's policies - take over local government bodies, contest elections while abstaining from Westminster, and assert Irish autonomy. However, in Ulster, the majority Protestant north, nationalism and republicanism were opposed. Not all Protestants and the 'Ulster Scots' (Protestants in Ulster) opposed this - one of the groups which formed Sinn Fein was the Dungannon Clubs from Ulster. Loyalty to the Union and a fear of Catholic domination made unionists oppose Home Rule. Since 1886 they had managed to block Home Rule, but in 1911 Herbert Asquith's Liberal Party made an alliance with the Irish Party, led by John Redmond since Parnell's death, bringing a Third Home Rule Bill to parliament. Unionists under Sir Edward Carson in 1912 joined Belfast stockbroker James Craig in signing the Ulster Solemn League and Covenant with a further 250,000 men. The next January a paramilitary group of unionists formed the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and prepared to violently secede from a Home Rule Ireland. 'If Protestant Georgie won't, Protestant Willie will' - a reference to possibly getting aid from the German kaiser Wilhelm II. In response, republicans formed this Irish Volunteers. Before violence broke out the First World War did - Home Rule was scheduled for after the war.
Socialism in Ireland
 |
| James Connolly |
Socialism had a longer history in Ireland and nationalism before the Easter Rising. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels had created links with the Fenians, and trade unions in both Britain and the US supported self-government. A common name to crop up, mostly due to his influence on Irish labour in the 1920s and 1930s, is that of James Connolly. Born in Cowgate, Edinburgh, hence why Connolly has further deeply inspired the Scottish left, in 1868 where he managed to get involved with the Land War. A Marxist and nationalist he was deeply involved with socialist movements, and his move to Dublin in the 1890s led him to help form the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP). As expected for socialist groups, the IRSP had its own publication, The Workers' Republic, of which Connolly was a major contributor. Connolly also criticised fellow nationalists, in an 1908 article for The Harp he wrote that 'How long it will be until the Socialists realize the folly and inconsistency of preaching to the Workers that the emancipation of the Working Class must be the act of the workers themselves, and yet presenting to those workers the sight of every important position in the party occupied by men not of the Working Class.' There were other key movements in Irish labour and socialism other than those directly overseen by Connolly. As early as 1871 a Fenian, Joseph McDonnell, was unanimously elected to the general council of the International Workingman's Association. In Belfast Liverpudlian Irish socialist Jim Larkin in 1907 organised dock workers and a strike crippled Belfast harbour. Strangely, a countess became a key, but unfortunately forgotten, figure in the labour movement. Countess Constance Markievicz had developed a strong desire to help the poor after seeing her father give out relief during a famine in her childhood, and growing up she became friends with Yeats. In 1903 she moved to Dublin and became involved in socialist, suffragist, and nationalist movements. In 1908, she joined both Sinn Fein and Inghinidhe na hÉireann (Daughters of Ireland), and later even took part in a Manchester by-election which prevented the election of virulently anti-suffrage Winston Churchill. Her position in society was helpful for socialist and republican movements, such as in August 1914 hiding Jim Larkin in her house in Rathmines, Dublin when a warrant for his arrest was issued.
 |
| Constance Markievicz |
There was also the further intersection between republicanism and socialism. The rise of labour militancy influenced the IRB newspaper, Irish Freedom, to start commenting on the potency of a radicalise working class. Partially this had something to do with Thomas Clarke who, in the words of Adrian Grant, 'dragged the IRB away from devising conspiracies over a few pints in the local to engaging with mass political movements, albeit in a covert manner'. In 1910 the Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU) became increasingly involved with republicanism - so much so that Connolly, in charge of the ITGWU, was co-opted onto the military council of the Irish Volunteers in January 1916. The ITGWU actively encouraged counter-cultural activities seeing it as a way to enrich the lives of the working-class. Liberty Hall was used for language classes, dances, and songs; Croydon Park was used for sporting events; and a day before the Dublin lock-out in August 1913 playwright Patrick Wilson described a family day out in the park. The lock-out itself was important in the pre-war Irish labour movement. On August 16 20,000 workers went on strike about living conditions, the ability to unionise, and workers' rights so most employers responded with a lock-out - except for Guinness. British unions sent aid to their Irish counterparts to support the families of striking workers, but the Catholic Church blocked local aid seeing it as an avenue to spread Protestant and atheist ideas. It would last until January and Larkin fled to the US following a brief stint hiding at Markievicz's home. During the lock-out Connolly had formed the Irish Citizen Army (ICA) to protect workers - this would become very important during the Rising.
Ireland, the First World War, and Preparations
Like in the rest of Europe war was greeted with applause except from the left. Connolly opposed the war seeing it as an imperialist war sending the working-class to their deaths. However, sections of Irish society supported the war. John Redmond of the Irish Party encouraged people to volunteer for the war seeing it as a way to ensure that Home Rule would be passed after peace had come. A Dublin Volunteer recalled that 'The effect in Ireland was immediate. People who were what one would have thought rebels on Sunday were completely pro-British the following Sunday'. Protestants and Catholics both enlisted, but Protestants were disproportionately represented in the ranks of the British army - 40% of Irish soldiers were Protestant, despite making up 26% of the population. With the rise of the UVF and unionism Protestants saw themselves closer to Protestant Britain than their Catholic Irish neighbours. The council of the IRB - mainly Patrick Pearse and Sean MacDermott - planned an uprising to separate themselves from Britain. This small clique expanded to include other figures, such as Thomas Clarke. Due to a long history of infiltration, and a fear of rejection, the clique kept their movements a secret from even the IRB's President of the Supreme Council, Denis McCullough. With the collapse of the Dublin lock-out, and the war brutally crushing the labour movement, Connolly had started becoming interested in separatism. Connolly brought organisation to the planning, but he was not fully included in the plans in case the ICA took over. Seven individuals were brought together to plan the Rising: James Connolly, Patrick Pearse, Tom Clarke, Sean MacDermott, Thomas MacDonagh, Joseph Plunkett, and Eamonn Ceanntt.
In order to ensure an uprising took place they needed arms and possibly support. The IRB's American wing - Clan na Gael - sent Roger Casement, and later Plunkett, to Berlin to get German support for a rising. 'Protestant Georgie and Willie' now became a republican as well as a unionist phrasing. Casement hoped that 12,000 soldiers and 40,000 rifles could be landed in Limerick sparking a nationwide revolt - something the German General Staff and Foreign Office rejected. When Fenian Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa in New York in 1915 when his body was brought to Ireland for burial the funeral generated massive crowds, and saw a speech by Pearse ending with the words, 'Ireland unfree shall never be free'. All that was needed was the assurance that the Irish Volunteers would join an uprising but their leader, Eoin MacNeill, was fairly moderate and was reluctant to do so. However, a document, possibly forged by Plunkett, was produced stating that the British aimed to arrest key republicans which got MacNeill on board. Some arms had been secured from Germany, but just before the rising was to take place the ship was discovered by the British. Consequently, the Rising was postponed to Easter Monday and MacNeill, as well as other leading Volunteers, told others not to join the Rising. Despite this, the military council decided to press on regardless leading several historians, including Fearghal McGarry, to suggest that the council knew it was to fail. Instead of fighting to liberate Ireland they intended to become a blood sacrifice to inspire a future movement to liberate Ireland, 'action was preferable to inaction'.
The Rising
Monday 24 April, 1916 1,200 people from the ICA, Volunteers, and Cumann na Mban (the women's branch of the Volunteers) rose up in Dublin. For a good play-by-play of the Rising itself I would highly recommend Dublin 1916: The Siege of the GPO by Clair Wills (2009). Due to contradictory orders from Pearse and MacNeill not all Volunteers took part - in Galway, where the Volunteers was particularly strong, only a quarter turned out to fight. Regardless, by noon they had captured all the sites which they planned to occupy. The main command under Pearse and Connolly took the GPO; another took the Four Courts; 130 men under future Irish president Eamon de Valera took Boland's Mill and Westland railway station; Ceanntt's battalion took the 50-acre South Dublin Union site; and MacDonagh remained around the city centre. The sections taken were intended to give the rebels a vantage point over the main army barracks, and failures to capture main railway stations and telegraph offices were more due to a lack of manpower than improper planning. Dublin Castle, the heart of British rule in Ireland, could have fell, but as it was expected to be well defended the ICA soon abandoned their plans. Instead, the garrison under Sean Connolly captured City Hall but were ejected easily the next day. Outside Dublin, Volunteers tried to encourage rebellion in Wexford, Galway, Cork, and Meath, however, due to MacNeill's orders and a general fear of rising there was little turnout. In Galway, Volunteers managed to attack and besiege the Royal Irish Constabulary allowing them greater success.
Women were present in the Dublin Rising. 200 members of Cumann na Mban took part in Dublin and the ICA had women in its leadership. However, with the exception of Markievicz who commanded at St Stephen's Green Garrison, women were barred from leadership from sexist colleagues. De Valera is infamous for directly ignoring Connolly and barring women from being near his garrison, although he did relent by making women couriers. Generally, women were expected to act as couriers, and many leaders barred female relatives from fighting - the only one to justifiably do this was Tom Clarke who barred his wife Kathleen from fighting as she was pregnant. No female rebels were killed, but Margaret Skinnider of the ICA was badly wounded by a British sniper. Furthermore, children even took part with the Fianna Eireann - republican boy scouts - including Connolly's 15-year-old son Roddy. Ironic considering his commitment to women's equality, Connolly barred his daughter Nora, who was in her twenties, for taking part. Fianna Eireann members did try and raid the Magazine Fort at Phoenix Park.
 |
| The aftermath of British shelling |
On 29 April the Rising came to an end. British shelling, even in the countryside, had devastated rebel lines at the expense of Dublin. Around 54% of the 450 people killed during the rebellion were civilians - the youngest was a two-year-old called John Francis Foster who was killed in cross-fire. Intense street fighting led to between 2,000 and 3,000 people, (civilian, rebel, and soldier), to be injured. The army became well known for its brutal actions during the Rising - something which would continue during the Irish War of Independence. Fifteen civilians were killed by the army on North King Street, and on Easter Tuesday pacifist, a pro-suffrage journalist Francis Sheehy-Skeffington was arrested and shot on the orders of Captain John Bowen-Colthurst. Bowen-Colthurst was later court-martialled but deemed insane.
The Proclamation
This is perhaps the most important aspect of the Rising - if the rebels were to be martyred then they had to leave something to inspire future rebels. After taking the GPO on Easter Monday Pearse read the Proclamation to confused passers-by - the Rising had taken everyone by surprise. Written primarily by Pearse the influence of Connolly can be found across the document. One such notable example is the reference to 'Irishmen and Irishwomen', equal citizenship, equal rights, and firmly blaming 'an alien government' for dividing the 'minority from the majority'. In spite of Pearse's support for the Gaelic League, and Connolly criticising republicans for speaking English, only contained three Gaelic words, possibly to make it more accessible, which were 'Poblacht na j Eireann' - 'peopledom'. Two hundred thousand five hundred copies were printed of the Proclamation to be distributed by the ICA, but only 50 copies remain a century later. One is framed in Trinity College, and in 2008 one was bought for 360,000 Euros. Since then the Proclamation has become integral in influencing the policies of the Irish left.
Reaction
Unfortunately for the rebels, the Rising was not well received by all across Ireland. The ravaging of Dublin and the deaths of 200 civilians by the British was blamed on the rebels, especially as they had taken over the GPO. Families of soldiers received money to support them from the GPO - something cut off by the Rising. Class influenced reaction. Most of the ICA came from working class backgrounds, and military shelling destroyed significant sections of Dublin angering propertied classes. Furthermore, as most rebels were Catholic - despite calls for ending sectarianism by the Proclamation - it was seen as a Catholic rebellion. Hardly two months later the Battle of the Somme claimed the lives of many Irish Protestants creating a Protestant story of woe compared to the Easter Rising. Britain could have used the Rising to its advantage, but two factors ruined it for them. The first, the introduction of conscription was seen as British overrule. The second, was harsh British reaction to the rebels turning them into martyrs. Over 3,500 were arrested often on flimsy grounds of suspected Sinn Fein sympathies - 27 were arrested in Roscommon town despite having no involvement at all. 1,800 were interned in prison and their letters revealed to the Irish public the harsh treatment of the rebels. Sir John Maxwell, effectively the military governor, ensured that those who signed the document to rebel were to be executed. Between 3 and 12 May the seven signers were executed at Kilmainham Jail - in the end others followed so by August 16 were executed. De Valera escaped the noose based on his American citizenship and as his trial happened a while after the initial executions, so by then public opinion had soured. Markievicz was sentenced to hang but due to her sex she was spared. The way individuals were executed angered the public - Connolly had to be propped up to be shot by firing squad. By late-May Dublin stores were already selling memorobillia honouring the martyrs.
Legacy
 |
| Irish republicans in the War of Independence |
In the short-term the Easter Rising had propelled Irish republicanism to the forefront. A mixture between the war, conscription, the Rising, and failure to implement Home Rule allowed Sinn Fein to replace the Irish Party as the major party. The 1917 by-election in Clare East swept de Valera in with 70% of the vote, and he would be followed by other Sinn Fein MPs. As to sit in the Westminster parliament MPs had to swear on oath of fealty Sinn Fein opted to abstain. In the 1918 election several Sinn Fein candidates won, including Markievicz becoming the UK's first elected female MP. In January 1919 Sinn Fein, inspired by the Proclamation, formed their own assembly as opposed to Westminster called the Dail Eireann. The Irish War of Independence began and when fighting finally ended in 1923, when the Irish Civil War ended, the independent Ireland that emerged lived in the shadow of Easter 1916. Many of those who fought in the new Irish Republican Army (IRA) had been members of Fianna Eireann so opposed the treaty leaving Ulster under British control. Eamon de Valera was a conservative giving Catholicism a 'special place' in Ireland - although he did resist urges to make Catholicism the state religion. Women were subordinated in Ireland where divorce, contraception, and abortion were made illegal - until 2018 abortion was illegal in the constitution.
Since 1916 the Rising has gone through many shifting perceptions. It has regularly been evoked in Irish politics - most have claimed the legacy of 1916. Socialists emphasised Connolly's importance, nationalists have emphasised the calls of independence, and the Irish state has tried to support aspects of it. De Valera had anniversaries celebrated and for school children to re-enact it annually, however, the calls for liberating the working class and women were forgotten in favour of portraying it as a Catholic, nationalist rebellion. In Northern Ireland, republicans regularly celebrate the Rising, but different republicans remember different sections of the Rising. Sectarian republicans were keen to forget the egalitarian nature of the Rising. During the violence of the Troubles Ireland silently celebrated the Rising to avoid condoning sectarian violence in the North. Since the end of the Troubles debates continue about what aspects of the Rebellion should be remembered. During the centenary in 2016 Dublin council placed commemorations to the Rising everywhere they could - I visited during this time and saw the wide variety of ways in which it had been remembered. Local socialists and feminists emphasised the emancipatory nature of the Proclamation; a tour gave a watered-down history of the Rising; and the GPO produced a movie about the Rising playing in the basement. Although many will debate the Easter Rising it is clear that those who fought wanted a freer, fairer Ireland.
The sources I have used are as follows:
-Marie Coleman, The Irish Revolution, 1916-1923, (New York, NY: Routledge, 2014)
-Fearghal McGarry, The Rising, Ireland: Easter 1916, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010)
-Clair Wills, Dublin 1916: The Siege of the GPO, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009)
-Adrian Grant, Irish Socialist Republicanism, 1909-36, (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2012)
-Desmond Ryan, (ed.), The Workers' Republic: A Selection from the Writings of James Connolly, (Dublin: Sign of the Three Candles, 1951)
-James Connolly, 'Sinn Fein and Socialism', The Harp, (April 1908)
Thank you for reading and I hope you found it interesting. Please leave any comments and for other Left-Wing and the 'Other' history please see our list. For future blog updates please our Facebook or catch me on Twitter @LewisTwiby.
